NDP's growth strategy aims at Tory ridings

Earlier this week, the federal New Democrats leaked a memo the party's campaign director, Brad Lavigne, wrote to leader Jack Layton as talk of a federal election heated up.  As Conservatives and Liberals aired television ads to show the world they were ready for all comers, should a federal election happen this spring, this amounts to the NDP equivalent from a “chest-thumping” “bring-it-on” point-of-view. That said: The NDP memo is way more interesting than the TV ads of either of the other two parties.

NDP State of Election Readiness (January 2011)

You can scroll through the whole thing but here's my highlights:

  • “…the Party is prepared to wage an aggressive federal election campaign at any time. I have given the staff team here the readiness date of mid-­‐February to be ready to go on your signal…”
  • “Financing has been secured that will allow the Party to spend the central legal maximum, estimated at approximately $23 million, in the next campaign.”
  • “Of the next tier of seats for us, 2/3rds are currently held by the Conservative Party. In these ridings Liberal voters, particularly women and young people, want to defeat the Conservatives but do not like Mr. Ignatieff. They do like you and are very willing to vote NDP. The research suggests that our base has solidified behind your leadership, while the Liberal base is very unimpressed with Mr. Ignatieff and volatile.”

 

Layton vows Afghanistan will be issue in next election; says Canada should be training bricklayers, not soldiers

NDP Leader Jack Layton is giving a speech this afternoon at the University of Ottawa, laying out his party's vision for a policy on Afghanistan. Here's a copy of the remarks he was to deliver:

Speaking notes
The Hon. Jack Layton, M.P. P.C.
Centre for International Policy Studies
University of Ottawa 
Friday, 14 January 2011

Canadian leadership: 

Beyond the military mission in Afghanistan

CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY

Thank you. And Happy New Year.

A new year — a new chance build a better world, to learn from past mistakes, to get on the right track. Of course, this is the year we expected to welcome our troops home from Afghanistan

Fully and finally. By vote of Parliament. Long overdue. Canada’s been in this war for nine years now. Six of those in a major combat role. Longer than the second world war.

In 2006, New Democrat members from coast to coast to coast passed a resolution to bring our troops home. We said this was the wrong mission for Canada —  the wrong way to bring stability to the people of Afghanistan.

Five years later, our conviction is the same. And more and more Canadians are feeling the same way. But Mr. Harper has just broken his promise to bring our troops home this year.

Instead, he has extended Canada’s military mission once again — based on a backroom deal with Michael Ignatieff, who actually proposed the idea.

They denied your elected Parliament any role in their decision to keep our soldiers there. This is anti-democratic. This is wrong. This is a failure of leadership.

Real leadership means putting Canadians and our values first — doing the right thing when it counts. Instead, we see Mr. Harper playing political games.

Enough is enough.

A decade in, Canadians take this personally. We care about Afghanistan. We want to offer some kind of hope to these battered people.

It’s going to take a different kind of leadership than we’ve seen from Stephen Harper or Michael Ignatieff.

And today, I’d like to suggest what that leadership will look like.

* * * * *

First, let’s look at the choice Mr. Harper has made.

Three more years on the ground — nearly a thousand soldiers — to help NATO build up a 300,000-strong Afghan security force.

When Mr. Harper says this is just a training exercise, he’s using semantics against common sense. Every Canadian knows what a  thousand pairs of boots on the ground means. This is a major military mission.

You know, even if we trusted Mr. Harper — even if we believed his wide-eyed claims that our soldiers will be safely sequestered in classrooms in Kabul — this would still be the wrong mission for Canada.

A month before Christmas, an Afghan security officer-in-training sat down to tea with American troops in Nangarhar province. Later that day, he broke out of a practice drill and gunned down six. The Taliban took credit for sending six more soldiers back to their families in flag-draped coffins.

Other Taliban fighters complete their NATO training before leaving to launch attacks against NATO or government targets.

Every year, one in five soldiers walks out of the Afghan National Army for good. How many of those are Taliban fighters — taking their training and weapons with them?  Even NATO admits the number may be high.

Imagine. You think you’re training government officers, but you’re really training insurgents as well. That’s reality in a war without two clear sides — where allegiances can be fluid, not always ideological.

But let’s play this out. Let’s imagine we could build a loyal, stable 300,000-strong security force.

Who would it serve?

Hamid Karzai’s government has lost the respect of the Afghan people. Instead of seeing their quality of life improve, people see a regime in Kabul that’s tied to rigged elections and rampant corruption.

Transparency Watch ranks Afghanistan 176th out of 178 countries for corruption. Half the aid money the world is pumping in is being lost to “consultants and corruption.”

That’s what Oxfam found. Kabul survives in part by paying off warlords — fuelling the frustrations of those left out — fuelling the insurgency against the government. A vicious, vicious cycle.

In November in Lisbon, Stephen Harper said he wouldn’t give another “dime” in aid directly to Karzai’s government because it is so corrupt. Think about that. Stephen Harper says he won’t trust Karzai with a dime, but he’d give him an army.

If this sounds like a plan that hasn’t been thought through — well, that seems to be literally true.

Canada had a plan. The military mission was ending. A civilian-only mission was set to begin. Then something happened: an announcement was made — a promise broken. And now Mr. Harper is making up the rest as he goes.

Look at the sequence here.

First, Mr. Harper announces the mission extension — says it’s vital.  Only then does he send a fact-finding team into Afghanistan to figure out what Canada might be able to do there.

This isn’t the first time Mr. Harper has justified a mission extension by emphasizing the training component.

But each time the result is the same: more combat, more casualties, not enough progress for Afghans.

And if Mr. Harper and Mr. Ignatieff get their way now, we will see more casualties — if not behind the wire, then when mission creep inevitably takes Canadian soldiers back outside the wire.

Mission creep has already started.

This week, NATO’s top training commander, General Caldwell, said that he wants to see Canadians back Kandahar — not safe in Kabul, as Mr. Harper is saying.  General Petraeus, the US war commander in Afghanistan, is already planting seeds of doubt about the 2014 mission end date.

Kandahar—not Kabul. 2014—for now. You see what’s going on here.

From the day Stephen Harper took office, he’s been talking about training and end-dates—but really pushing a military mission with no end in sight.

A mission that stops us from trying a new approach. A mission that is not doing enough to make life better for Afghans. A mission that’s not bringing Afghans any closer to their dream of a stable and peaceful existence.

There has to be a better way.

* * * * *

Canada may not be able to change NATO’s approach in Afghanistan. But we certainly don’t have to follow it blindly.

As Canadians, we make our own choices.

We’ve done our part for the military option.

Now the question is: What should we do going forward?

How should we honour the sacrifices we’ve already made?

What should Canada’s contribution be now?

How can we best help the people of Afghanistan now?

Is it by cutting Canadian aid in half, as Mr. Harper is doing?

Spending five times more on military might than nation-building?

Is it by teaching more young men to fire a gun — instead of rebuilding their country? Is that what Canada should be doing?

That’s not what we’re hearing from Scott Taylor of Esprit de Corps — hugely respected among rank-and-file soldiers.

That’s not what we’re hearing from the International Committee of the Red Cross.

That’s not what we’re hearing from ordinary Canadians.

What I hear people saying is this:

Instead of arming a regime that the people don’t respect, let’s try working with the people to rebuild a country.

That’s the New Democrat plan.

A plan to help build peace and improve lives — with an Afghan state that’s accountable to the people.

A plan that builds on Canada’s strengths and values.

A plan of practical solutions that I’ll share with you now.

* * * * *

Corporal Steve Martin, age 24, was the 154th Canadian soldier to die in Afghanistan. Thousands more are coming back to us wounded and traumatized. Yet even now, these women and men stand tall, ready to serve.

Whatever political stripes we wear, I think all Canadians can agree:

Canada’s soldiers are a cut above.

They have represented us with courage, professionalism and honour.

They have done more than their fair share in Afghanistan.

And it’s time to bring our troops home.

* * * * *

That military disengagement is the first essential step.

Only then can we do justice to step two: diplomacy.

Conservatives used to wail whenever anyone suggested “talking to the Taliban” to achieve peace. The world has left those backbenchers behind.

Now most people recognize that without negotiated reconciliation, Afghanistan has no hope for stability.

Decades of conflict have left Afghanistan with few institutions. After the Taliban, the vacuum was filled by a maze of local warlords —  some well-intentioned, some who rule by violence, some tied to the Taliban, some others paid off by Kabul.

There’s still no rule of law or effective justice system. No consequences for corrupt officials and strongmen who block progress toward democracy. And no way out for Afghans without negotiating those democratic institutions into existence.

Canada can play a leadership role here, sparking talks to build a stable Afghanistan — with accountable government, a justice system, legitimate elections.

With our experience in resolving conflicts, there’s a host of diplomatic roles we could play:

Pre-negotiating sticky local issues ahead of a wider peace process — isolating extremists by engaging moderates who fight for the Taliban not for ideology but to feed their families.

Making sure reconciliation includes ordinary people — especially women — not just warring factions and power players.

Coordinating a Regional Contact Group to challenge countries in the neighbourhood to take responsibility for this conflict.

Hammering out solutions for issues that fuel the conflict — from drug trafficking to terrorism to economic development.

Anyone watching up close knows that this work urgently needs doing — but nobody's leading the way yet.

One of those leaders can be Canada.

* * * * *

Finally, after military disengagement, alongside diplomacy: development.

Afghanistan is one of the world’s poorest countries.

One in two Afghans lacks adequate housing, water, electricity.

Half the Afghan population is now under 15 years of age.

They could be the generation that rebuilds Afghanistan — or they could form the next generation of desperate insurgents.

You cannot build a nation on a foundation of hunger and despair. For that, you need hope, education, public health, an economy.

Instead of cutting Afghan aid in half, Canada should be supporting more humanitarian and development work.

Not dumping money into corrupt channels, but supporting proven successes like the National Solidarity Program — undercutting corruption by helping communities identify, plan, and manage their own projects.

Supporting apprenticeship programs that teach young Afghans to lay bricks and build bridges — not just fire guns.

Helping Afghans take ownership over the process of building an economy and rebuilding a country.

Contributing to public health — including helping women’s organizations train female healthcare providers.

Our Foreign Affairs critic, Paul Dewar, updated me last month on one of the more successful humanitarian programs in Afghanistan.

You may have heard that seven million kids have now been vaccinated against polio.

Well, this is happening because UNICEF and the World Health Organization are negotiating access to Taliban-controlled areas.

What these development workers on the groun are telling us is that the absence of troops helps account for their success.

When they’re not tied to troops, they’re just not a target.

They’re building goodwill instead.

They’re pouring cold water on Mr. Harper’s mantra that you can’t do development work without overwhelming military security.

Security matters. But security comes with a justice system, not soldiers serving a corrupt regime. Security comes with the stability we’d help build through diplomacy, and development.

* * * * *

Would this new direction guarantee peace in Afghanistan?

Of course not.

Afghanistan is a hive of competing warlords, fiefdoms and histories.

Thirty years of bloody struggles. Three million dead.

Others have tried and failed to bring order.

There are no certainties here.

But this isn’t about certainty. This is about choices. And Canadians have choices to make now.

Even the hawks admit now that the insurgency won’t be pounded into submission.

What our plan offers is a new measure of hope for Afghans.

An approach ordinary Canadians can believe in.

If Canadians care about Afghanistan — and we do — then surely we owe it to ourselves to try.

* * * * *

Imagine living in a Canada where your Prime Minister makes you feel included, represented and proud.  Where your Prime Minister cares enough to do the right thing — even on something as tough as bringing stability to Afghanistan.

That’s what it should feel like to be a Canadian citizen. But that’s not the kind of leadership we’re getting from Stephen Harper — or from Michael Ignatieff, for that matter.

It may be years before we learn the full story about why Mr. Harper is breaking his promise to bring our troops home this year. It may be years before we learn how voices inside NATO caught his attention instead —what was said or bartered.

All we know is that the Prime Minister who promised to be different is delivering more of the same old politics. Listening to insiders instead of ordinary Canadians. Committing Canada to endless war, with Mr. Ignatieff’s help — to service interests he’s not even telling us about.

It doesn’t have to be this way.

To Mr. Harper and Mr. Ignatieff, I say: It’s not too late to bring our troops home this summer. It’s not too late to give Canadians the leadership they deserve. The kind of leadership we’re seen from New Democrats like Jack Harris (our Defence Critic) and Paul Dewar (Foreign Affairs Critic).

Before them: Dawn Black … Alexa McDonough.

And over the years, some of you in this room.

If you’ve questioned this war, you’ve born the insults.

Maybe even called a traitor.

Nobody should have to hear that.

I respect you for standing up for what’s right.

And our job is not done — there’s still work to do.

It’s time once again to stand up and be heard.

Here what I’m going to do.

Today, I’m launching a national campaign to take your voices to Ottawa.

I want you to be part of it.

When you leave here today, visit the NDP.CA website — sign our petition.

Talk to your friends. To your colleagues.

Speak up in class. Write letters to the editor. Call into those radio shows.

This is the time to say it: We won’t let our Prime Minister ignore us.  We won’t let him commit Canada to war without end.

Stephen Harper, bring our troops home.

We choose a new role for Canada to bring hope to Afghanistan.

If Canadians speak out loudly enough — if we make this uncomfortable enough for Mr. Harper — he’ll feel the pressure to change course.

And if he chooses not to, then let me tell you.

I will make this an issue in the next election .

To make sure Canadians’ voices are heard in Ottawa. ¬

So when we gather here again next year, or a decade from now, we won’t be staring into the black hole of yet another mission extension.

Instead, we’ll be saying, “My God, that was hard. But the fight was worth it. And Canada’ s finally doing what we should be doing in Afghanistan.”

Thank you.

 

Liberals inherit their politics; Conservatives and New Democrats rationalize their partisanship

Cameron Anderson and Laura Stephenson, associate professors in the political science faculty at the University of Western Ontario, wondered about the concept of “partisanship” in Canadian politics and what that might mean for voting behaviour.

By partisanship, the professors mean the concept of an individual being attached to or having some sort of affective bond to a particular party. How strong is that bond? What are the factors that influence the bonding and, by extension, the unbonding, if you will, of that relationship? And are there some differences between Conservatives, Liberals, and New Democrats when it comes to the partisan attachment its supporters have?

The answer, in a paper they presented over the summer at the annual conference of the Canadian Political Science Association, is that yes: The research seems to indicate that Liberals come to be Liberals by a different route than New Democrats and Conservatives come to their party affiliation.

For example: If you're a Liberal partisan, the odds are pretty good that at least one of your parents was a Liberal. Anderson and Stephenson find that 55 per cent of those who identify themselves as a Liberal partisan have a parent who is a Liberal but just 38 per cent of Conservatives can say the same thing and 23 per cent of New Democrats get their NDP orange from their parents.

And while more Liberals inherit their fondness for that party, Conservatives and New Democrats appear to have rationalized their way to their particular political brand. The researchers say that 90 per cent of Conservatives come to identify themselves as Conservative because they “held positive issue tallies” with the party. What they mean by “issue tallies” is that partisan keeps a kind of running scorecard about his or her partisan attachment and whenever new information about relationship surfaces it reinforces that partisan attachment or weakens it. In other words, I suppose, Conservatives and NDP partisans are constantly matching up their political bent to the latest political information they have and constantly questioning their partisan attachment. Kind of sheds a new light on how and why parties on the right in Alberta, for example, and a few times in Canadian federal history exhibit a pattern whereby splinter parties will pop up and often eat the mainstream right-wing party. (Alberta PCs, say hello to Wild Rose!)

New Democrats have a similar “cognitive influence” approach to their brand with 80 per cent, according to the researchers, arriving at the New Democrat outlook on life by thinking about it rather than inheriting it.

Just 62 per cent of Liberal partisans are Liberal partisans because they thought themselves into that position.

Now, I am probably overgeneralizing the findings of Anderson and Stephenson. It's a little more nuanced than all that. They conclude, for instance, that there are number of sociodemographic factors that are very strong for each party that influence partisanship. If you're a Protestant, for example, you're more likely to be a Conservative. The researchers find that if you're a Catholic and/or an immigrant, you are [still] likely to be a Liberal.

Moreover, the authors make quite an effort to point out that parental partisanship, sociodemographic factors, and cognitive influence should not be given equal weight as factors when it comes to determining partisanship. In fact, as they say, the “cognitive influence” may be, the researchers conclude, the most significant factor that influences how partisans come to choose their party and it is also the most significant factor influencing the “intensity” of partisan's attachment to his or her party.

And, in one interesting datapoint in their paper, the researchers find that the loyalty of Liberal and NDP partisans tend to be influenced more by the party leader than do Conservative partisans.

Summing up then:

Liberal partisans share parental partisanship in great numbers, but even those partisans are not affected by parental partisanship when it comes to intensity and vote loyalty. Sociodemographic influences tend to be more significant for the Liberal and PC parties but not the NDP. This suggests an interesting divide among the parties, but also indicates that the effect of socialization on Canadians partisans is relatively weak.

Still: All of this is kind of fun stuff as we think about how any party might grow its base by stealing support from another party. We might extrapolate from these findings that:

1. So long as Liberals continue to reproduce, it stands to reason they will produce a lot of Liberals in future generations.

2. If only Liberals would think about it for a minute, they might not be Liberals.

3. The political leanings of a Conservative and New Democrat can be affected by an appeal to reason.  Presumably, if any party can figure out how to make a rational appeal to Tory or NDP partisans, there are votes to be had.

Access to Information: NDP will argue House privilege has been breached

NDP MP Bill Siksay will present the following motion for debate this afternoon at a meeting of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Access to Information, Ethics, and Privacy. Siksay — and many opposition MPs — have been frustrated that their attempt to interview political aides about how access-to-information requests have been blocked by the Conservative government who have insisted that aides may not appear before committees. Only ministers can answer for their staff.

Siksay's motion is a bit long but it does a good job of laying out the history of how we got here:

That the Committee report the following to the House:

On Thursday April 1, 2010, the Committee agreed, pursuant to Standing Order 108(3)h)(vi) and the motion adopted by the Committee on the same day, to undertake a study on allegations of interference in access to information requests. A copy of the motion adopted by the Committee is appended to this report.

1) In the course of this study, the Committee chose to invite Sébastien Togneri to appear before it. Here are the facts:

On April 12, 2010, the Committee sent Sébastien Togneri an invitation to appear before it on May 6, 2010. On April 28, 2010, Mr. Togneri’s lawyer sent a letter to the Committee saying that Mr. Togneri would not appear before the Committee. On May 4, 2010 the Committee adopted a motion (appended) to summon Sébastien Togneri to appear before it. Sébastien Togneri appeared before the Committee on May 6 and 11, 2010, and was informed at both meetings that his summons to appear remained in effect.

On May 25, 2010, the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons made a statement regarding the attendance of ministers' employees before parliamentary committees. A copy of this statement is appended to the report.

The Committee received a letter dated May 31, 2010 from the Minister of Natural Resources, noting that he had “instructed Sébastien Togneri and Jillian Andrews that I will appear before the Committee in their place”. A copy of this letter is appended to the report.

Mr. Togneri refused to appear at the June 3, 2010 meeting even though he was not duly discharged.

2) In the course of this study, the Committee chose to invite Jillian Andrews to appear before it. Here are the facts:

On May 25, 2010, the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons made a statement regarding the attendance of ministers' employees before parliamentary committees. A copy of this statement is appended to the report.

On both May 27 and 28, 2010, the Committee sent Jillian Andrews invitations to appear before it on June 8, 2010. Jillian Andrews never replied to those invitations.

The Committee received a letter dated May 31, 2010 from the Minister of Natural Resources, noting that he had “instructed Sébastien Togneri and Jillian Andrews that I will appear before the Committee in their place”. A copy of this letter is appended to the report.

The Committee decided to summon Jillian Andrews to appear before it on June 8, 2010. The bailiff in charge of serving the summons made many attempts to contact Jillian Andrews to make arrangements to serve the summons (see bailiff’s reports appended). Although Jillian Andrews was aware of the bailiff’s various attempts to contact her, Ms Andrews did not reply to the bailiff. Jillian Andrews did not appear (or show herself) at the meeting of the Committee on June 8, 2010. On June 8, 2010, in light of the many unsuccessful attempts by the bailiff to serve the summons to appear on Jillian Andrews, the Committee adopted a motion (appended) that the summons be considered duly served, given its public nature, and to require Ms Andrews to appear no later than June 16, 2010.

Ms Andrews did not attempt to arrange an appearance before the Committee by June 16, 2010.

3) In the course of this study, the Committee chose to invite Dimitri Soudas to appear before it. Here are the facts:

The Committee invited Dimitri Soudas to appear before it as part of its study into allegations of interference in access to information requests. Mr. Soudas was scheduled as a witness at the Committee’s May 11th meeting and he was present in the committee room on that date. However a fire alarm interrupted the Committee meeting and the Committee did not hear from Mr. Soudas or question him.

On May 25, 2010, the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons made a statement regarding the attendance of ministers' employees before parliamentary committees. A copy of this statement is appended to the report.

On May 25, 2010 Mr. Soudas was scheduled to appear before the Committee. He telephoned the Clerk of the Committee prior to the meeting to say that he would not attend citing the announcement by the government that political staff would not appear before Committees.

On both May 27 and 28, 2010 the Committee sent Dimitri Soudas invitations to appear before it on June 10, 2010. Dimitri Soudas never replied to those invitations.

The Committee received a letter dated June 1, 2010 from the Prime Minister in which he stated that “the purpose of this letter is to inform the Committee of my instruction to Mr. Soudas that he will not appear before the Committee.” A copy of this letter is appended to this report.

The Committee decided to summon Dimitri Soudas to appear before it on June 10, 2010. The bailiff in charge of serving the summons made many attempts to contact Dimitri Soudas to make arrangements to serve the summons (see bailiff’s reports appended). Although Dimitri Soudas was aware of the bailiff’s various attempts to contact him, Mr. Soudas did not reply to the bailiff. Dimitri Soudas did not appear (or show himself) at the meeting of the Committee on June 10, 2010. On June 8, 2010, in light of the many unsuccessful attempts by the bailiff to serve the summons to appear on Dimitri Soudas, the Committee adopted a motion (appended) that the summons be considered duly served, given its public nature, and to require Mr. Soudas to appear no later than June 16, 2010.

Mr. Soudas did not attempt to arrange an appearance before the Committee by June 16, 2010.

Conclusion

In light of these matters, the Committee has reason to believe that a breach of privilege may have occurred. The Committee feels it is its duty to place these matters before the House at this time so that the House can take such steps as it considers appropriate..

Appendices

1.Committee Motion, April 1, 2010 re: undertaking a study on allegations of political interference in access to information requests

2.Committee Motion, May 4, 2010 re: summoning Sebastien Togneri

3.Statement by the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons, May 25, 2010

4.Letter from the Minister of Natural Resources dated May 31, 2010

5.Bailiff’s reports

6.Letter from the Prime Minister dated June 1, 2010

7.Committee Motion, June 8, 2010 re: summonses to Jillian Andrews and Dimitri Soudas being duly served and requiring them to appear no later than June 16, 2010

Breitkreuz and Angus trade e-mails: Tories vs NDP on the gun registry

Before Conservative MP Candice Hoeppner and her private member's bill to kill the long-gun registry, there was Saskatchewan Conservative MP Garry Breitkreuz and his private member's bill to kill the registry. Breitkreuz eventually allowed his bill to die so Hoeppner could pick it up. But Breitkreuz is still working to kill the registry. Here's a note he's sending to those NDP MPs that appear ready to vote with the Tories to kill the registry. NDP MP Charlie Angus, who is one of those NDPers who opposes the registry, writes back just below:

From: Breitkreuz, Garry – M.P.

To: Angus, Charlie – Personal

Sent: Tue Aug 31 11:43:59 2010

Subject: Please consider …

I thought you might like to see a recent opinion piece I was asked to write for The Mark website.

I can appreciate that the NDP M.P.s who supported Bill C-391 are now under tremendous pressure to flip-flop by supporting the motion to kill the bill on September 22. This is just a short note to remind you that nothing has changed since you supported Bill C-391 on November 4, 2009. The vast majority of your constituents asked you to help scrap the long-gun registry then, and they have not changed their minds. If anything, they are even more resolute and growing in numbers today.

In light of the Liberal leader’s decision to whip his caucus into killing Bill C-301 on September 22, your voice is even more important. A Canadian Press/Harris Decima poll shows that the majority of NDP supporters favour scrapping the registry – you will be representing them with pride when you vote against the motion on September 22.

Regards,

Garry Breitkreuz
Yorkton-Melville

Here's the reply Charlie Angus sent back to Breitkreuz:

From: Angus, Charlie – Personal
Sent: August 31, 2010 2:48 PM
To: Breitkreuz, Garry – M.P.
Subject: Re: Please consider …
Dear Garry,

Thanks for taking the time to personally email me.

I was more than a little surprised to hear from you about the registry, again. It’s interesting that this is the only rural issue you ever seem to want to talk to us about. You and your government have hardly been collegial with rural New Democrats on addressing the concerns of our citizens.

No matter. I supported getting Bill C-391 to committee because I felt rural Canadians had legitimate concerns about the costs of the registry, its effectiveness and whether or not it is used effectively by police. I was really hoping we could all work together as Parliamentarians, listen to the problems with the registry, hear from various witnesses and finally get answers to these fundamental questions.

Unfortunately, your government has fought against information getting out, actively suppressed departmental reports and publically attacked police officers who dare disagree with you.

But I do appreciate your letter. Thanks to your opinion piece, I learned that the Harper government believes the real reason police are “strident” on this issue is because they “don’t want Canadians to own guns”. And you seem to claim the real reason police want to keep the registry is not for public safety, but so they someday will be able to burst into family homes and seize grampa's 20 gauge.
Sorry Gary, but that's just crazy talk about our police.

I’m not sure how it is in your city, but where I come from folks don't see their police as a threat. They trust the police – the men and women who put their lives on the line every day to keep the rest of us safe. Your extreme attitudes and wild claims just don’t reflect what Canadians are like.

We all remember your last attempt to bring in gun legislation, when you tried to slip in new regulations that would make it a-okay to carry restricted firearms like hand guns and semi-automatic assault weapons in cars in cities. That one just didn't pass the smell test, did it?

So Gary, let's be frank: we're just not on the same page here at all. Rural New Democrats have brought forward legitimate concerns of rural residents and are looking to have those issues addressed. The Harper Conservatives, on the other hand, would rather try and just stir up rural Canadians with all manner of wild and crazy conspiracy theories about our local police forces. And just for the sake of a quick fundraising buck and some negative partisan advertising.

Thanks for the advice, but no thanks.

Best,

Charlie


The Twitter fistfight: Liberals vs NDP over the gun registry

For the last two days here in Baddeck, N.S. where the Liberals are holding their 2010 summer caucus retreat, Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff has hammered Jack Layton and the NDP over their position on the long-gun registry, going so far as to say that NDP stands for “No Darn Principles”. NDP hill staffers and some MPs immediately launched an all-out attack on Twitter at the Liberals.

Here's the play-by-play on Twitter (with explanations of Twitter terms below):

After Ignatieff's speech on Monday

Adam Goldenberg (Ignatieff speech-writer, tweets as @adamgoldenberg: On #gunregistry: #NDP has to “stand up, or they've got No Darn Principle.” – @M_Ignatieff

Marc-Andre Viau (NDP caucus press secretary tweets as @maviau) Maternal health, pay equity, enviro assessment.. RT @davidakin Fightin' words: @M_Ignatieff says #NDP stands for No Darn Principles

James Valcke (Researcher, NDP Caucus Services tweets as @ValckeNDP) : AECL privitization, Anti-scab, climate change @davidakin Fightin' words: @M_Ignatieff says #NDP stands for No Darn Principles

George Soule (NDP caucus press secretary, tweets as @G_Soule) : out of #afgh, tar sands, torture, pro-choice… RT @davidakin Fightin' words: @M_Ignatieff says #NDP stands for No Darn Principles

Valcke: @M_Ignatieff and #lpc now simply telling bold face untruths about their history of support Harper conservatives.

Drew Anderson (communications for NDP HQ elections team tweets as @DrewA_NDP🙂 @M_Ignatieff 's principles: “The United Nations is a messy, wasteful, log-rolling organization.”

Anderson: @M_Ignatieff 's principles: “We need to make sure that assassinations don't do more harm than good. “

Valcke: Sponsorship scandal, Kyoto failure, corp tax cuts RT @davidakin Fightin' words: @M_Ignatieff: #NDP stands for No Darn Principles

Soulex2_2873f59.jpg : Fear not. I'm sure many flip flops to come. RT @alisoncrawford5 Last bbq flip of the #lpcx [Crawford, a CBC Radio reporter, had posted the picture at right)

Valcke: “No Darn Principles” comment by @M_Ignatieff was almost as offensive as their feigned patronage outrage last week.

Oliva Chow (NDP MP tweets as @OliviaChow): #LPC united and principled? What about on abortion rights, Afghan war and the 120 votes in support of #CPC in #HoC?

Michelle Simson (Liberal MP tweets as @michellesimson): O Jack, just watching ur news conf on CPAC re party's stance on the gun registry. Talk 2 the hand. U're not building a bridge, ur blowing 1.

Soule: Still vexed by an #lpc leader who voted over 100 times with the Harper #cpc, pointing the finger at others for lack of principles.

Anderson: “Nothing is personal in politics because politics is theatre.” @M_Ignatieff 's principles.

Valcke: Bahahahahaha #youkillme RT @RupNDP: Liberals' “big red tent” is more like a “big circus show”

Brad Lavigne (National Director of the NDP, tweets as @bradlavigne): For the record, if the Liberals want to run the next campaign on a contest of principles, we're kinda ok with that.

Goldenbergolcf.jpg : Missing: @JackLayton's credibility. If found, please call – [Goldenberg tweets a link to the picture at left]

Goldenberg: Jack Layton helped Stephen Harper scrap childcare & Kelowna Accord. Now he's helping him scrap the #gunregistry. What's next?

Viau: AK47 are illegal. Get your pic right.

Valcke: @adamgoldenberg “I commit to you that I will call a general election within 30 days of the commission's final report and recommendations.” And then the people of Canada will have their say. (Address to the nation) CBC, April 21 2005 Paul Martin

Valcke: @adamgoldenberg maybe you missed that though. I'll give you a mulligan.

Goldenberg: Check your dates, @ValckeNDP. The final report was released 2 months after Jack Layton voted down the Martin government, dooming childcare.

Viau: Good reading for the #Libs. Principled Liberals/un-principled New Democrats? It is to laugh. http://tinyurl.com/37xccnt #ludicrous

After Ignatieff's speech on Tuesday

Goldenberg: “You can side with the police on the #gunregistry or you can side with Mr. Harper. Make up your mind, Jack.” – @M_Ignatieff

Lavigne: The #ndp need to decide? Really? #lpc has voted with Harper 100+ times on confidence matters. #payequity #war #nukes #alittlerich

Viau Make up your mind like Harper your time is up? RT @davidakin Iggy to NDP on #gunregistry: Make up your mind, Jack. The hour is getting late.

Viau #Iffy wants to amend the long gun registry, then doesn't want to. #flipflop #makeupyourmind

Soule: On registry: Ignatieff doesn't get it: building bridges btwn rural&urban Cnda is what Cndn principled leadership is about.

Goldenberg: @G_Soule Fact: You can either improve #gunregistry (#LPC's plan) or scrap it (Harper's plan). You can't scrap it, then improve it.

Valcke: Brinsksmanship politics. Way to keep the issues of the nation clear as mud.

Soule: @adamgoldenberg wrong. You can fix it. (#ndp proposal) or do nothing except MT promises despite 9 yrs in maj. gov't with it. (#lpc reality)

Valcke: Canadians send MPs to Ottawa to represent them and find solutions. Jack Layton has been building bridges since he arrived here.

Ben Parsons, (Researcher, Liberal Research Bureau tweets as @parsob): It is clear to me that a certain segment of the NDP caucus has lost confidence in Jack Laytons leadership.

Goldenberg: Simple Q for #NDP staffers @ValckeNDP & @G_Soule: How does @JackLayton plan to improve the #gunregistry after scrapping it?

Valcke: Wasn't it just a few months ago the Libs had a problem with votes on thier own motion? 3 Lib MPs opposed their leader in the House?

Soule: @adamgoldenberg No secret, we're both staff. Not complicated. We fix it by showing leadership, getting support in #hoc to not scrap it.

Goldenberg: So… those 12 #NDP MPs will vote *against* C-391?

Goldenberg We need 12 #NDP votes to #savethegunregistry. Lend us your votes, @JackLayton.

Lavigne: #lpc has lost almost every rural seat it held in 2000. Today it announced it is writing-off what is left

Goldenberg @bradlavigne Gun control = “writing-off” rural Canada? Sounds like “the stereotype that rural priorities begin & end w/ guns.”

Anderson: Buyer beware! Don't take your #bigredtent out in the rain. Apparently they'll shrink 97 seats in 10 years.

Twitter terms used above:

#AFGH – Afghanistan

#HOC – House of Commons

#IFFY – Perjorative nickname for Michael Ignatieff

@[NAME] – Used to denote that a tweet is “at” or in reference to something some other Twitter user said.

#LPC – Liberal Party of Canada

#LPCX – Liberal Party Express – Ignatieff's cross-summer tour

#NDP – New Democratic Party

RT – Re-tweet. When you see something on twitter that you want to pass along or comment upon, you can “re-tweet” it so the next person reading it can see it. Authorship generally belongs to the @[NAME] that immediately follows the RT.

The NDP asks: Why do Conservatives hate weddings?

Expect the NDP to ramp up its attacks on the federal Conservatives and Ontario Liberals in the coming days as Ontario residents say goodbye to paying separate GST and PST and begin to pay the Harmonized Sales Tax or the HST, a tax which economists say will help manufacturers and employers in a big way but which will see consumers paying consumption taxes on a range of products that, heretofore, had not been subject to the PST.

The NDP, in a release this afternoon, takes a look at some of the new things soon to be taxed and asks the question:

Why do Conservatives hate weddings?

July 1st will mark two significant occasions: the unofficial opening of wedding season and the day the HST will take effect in Ontario and British Columbia.

Like rain on your wedding day, the HST will dampen spirits by unnecessarily burdening the happy couple, family, friends and relatives with added expenses.

Domestic Air, Rail and Bus Travel: Out of town guests can expect to pay anywhere from $250 more for airfare to $5 more for bus travel.

Hotel Rooms: Those out-of-towners you have so carefully taken care of will now be charged an extra $15 per night. For 10 rooms that’ll run a collective bill of $150.

Taxis: Getting your guests back to their hotels safely will cost more too. $3.50 more per ride.

Hall Rental Fees: If you happen to rent a hall at a local community centre for your dinner and reception you can expect to pay an extra $50.

Hair Stylist/Barber: $3 more per clipping multiplied by the 40 or so who will spiffy themselves up will run your guests collectively an extra $120.

Dry Cleaning Service: $25 more to have that perfect wedding gown dry cleaned and pressed (how did that red wine get there?)

Gasoline and Diesel: $3 more per fill-up multiplied by 20 cars that will burn a tank of gas each will collectively cost $60 more.

And if you think this is all too much and just want to escape the HST by opting for a civil ceremony down at City Hall, think again.

Civil marriage ceremony fees and wedding licence costs: The license will cost you $15 more and a civil ceremony will run you $40 more.

Rahim Jaffer's business card

Ian Harvey met with former MP Rahim Jaffer on Aug. 25, 2009 at the Le Castille Steakhouse in Mississauga, Ont. It was the one and only meeting Harvey had with Jaffer, according to testimony Harvey gave today at the House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates. At that meeting — 10 months after Jaffer lost his Edmonton-area seat in in the 2008 general election – Harvey said this is the business card that Jaffer gave him at that meeting:

201005262252.jpg

And here is an excerpt of an exchange between Jaffer and NDP MP Pat Martin when Jaffer testified at the same committee back on April 21:

Mr. Pat Martin: Have you ever used your previous MP's business card during the course of promoting any private business?

Mr. Rahim Jaffer: Again, you're pulling these things out from a great source—your source—The Toronto Star.

Mr. Pat Martin: I want you to clarify this.

Mr. Rahim Jaffer: I can tell you, sir, that none of these things—

Mr. Pat Martin: Have you ever circulated your MP's business card after you ceased to be an MP?

Mr. Rahim Jaffer: I don't even understand what good that would provide. It would—

Mr. Pat Martin: It would only imply that you still have some sort of relationship to Parliament, even though you're no longer a member of Parliament.

Mr. Rahim Jaffer: As I said, I'll go back to my opening statement, because I think it's clear that—

Mr. Pat Martin: Can you answer that question first?

Mr. Rahim Jaffer: I told you I never did those things. These are allegations. I never would make unsubstantiated claims that I couldn't follow through. We're building a new business—

Mr. Pat Martin: This is your opportunity to make that case.

Mr. Rahim Jaffer: Will you let me finish, or do you want to keep cutting me off? If we're trying to build a business from the ground up that's based on credibility to deliver, the last thing we're going to do is make any claims that we can't deliver. I've told you over and over again throughout my testimony here, as well as in questions, that my number one concern was that my wife, who still served in the government, would never be in any conflict of interest. So I operated my business in that capacity.

New talking points: The NDP commits transparency on expenses

Canwest News Service has obtained a copy of some talking points being distributed this afternoon to NDP MPs. The talking point memo comes from Leader Jack Layton's office and says:

The issue of MP expenses and the Auditor General has dominated much of the media attention of the past few days. We will have to have a further discussion at our next caucus meeting to see what movement can be made and how we can address this issue most effectively. In the meantime, here are some new Talking Points that indicate some movement and will help us with our constituents and the media over the next few days.

“My expenses are currently audited and posted online. Please take a look and let me know if you have any questions or concerns. I’ll gladly explain any of them.”

Although I am fully confident that the process works, I understand that the public would like more information. ·

Based on public feedback I feel confident the Board of Internal Economy (BOIE) will consider further discussion on this issue, reflecting public concerns, to seek a mutually agreeable solution to the auditing of MP expenses.

I am certainly not opposed to having the BOIE continue the dialogue with the Auditor General to improve public scrutiny of MP expenses

The MPs are told to point constituents to the disclosures on the Parliamentary Web site [PDF] which lists summaries of each MP's expenses for 2008-09, the most recent year for which figures are available.

London, Ont.-area NDP MP Irene Mathyssen is already taking the hint from her leader's office. She's posted a collection of links at her Web page with three years worth of her MPs expense — again, all summary data and not receipts or details — as well as disclosure statement to Parliament's ethics commissioner and her electoral campaign return.

The Ethics Commissioner's letter to NDP MP Libby Davies

On April 16, NDP MP Libby Davies asked Parliament's Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner Mary Dawson to investigate Conservative MP Helena Guergis on allegations she may have promoted a company that her husband, former MP Rahim Jaffer, was eyeing as an investment.

A few hours after Davies made her request, Dawson responded, saying there appears to be no grounds for an investigation under the Conflict of Interest Act but, as I read Dawson's letter, she has not (yet?) ruled out an investigation under the related but different Conflict of Interest Code of Conduct.

An NDP source tells me, late Monday: “We object to her initial decision, and we'll engage with the Commissionner on her interpretation of the act.”

Here's what Dawson wrote:

April 16, 2010

Ms. Libby Davies, M.P.
Member of Parliament for Vancouver East
House of Commons
Room 551S, Centre Block
Ottawa, Ontario KIA OA6

Dear Ms. Davies,

This is in response to your letter of April 16, 2010, in which you request that I conduct an inquiry under the Conflict of Interest Code for Members ofthe House of Commons (Code) in relation to allegations you make against the Hon. Helena Guergis, Member of Parliament for Simcoe-Grey, regarding a letter sent to a municipal official in support of Wright Tech Inc., a company with which it is alleged that her spouse had a business relationship.

Upon receipt of a written request, subsection 27(3. 1) of the Code requires that I forward the request to the Member who is the subject of the request without delay, and provide them 30 days to respond. I have forwarded your request to Ms. Guergis and directed her to respond to your concerns under the Code.

You have also requested that I conduct an examination under the Conflict 0f Interest Act (Act) in respect of the same allegations. With respect to the Act, your request does not meet the requirements set out in section 44 for requesting an examination. In particular, you have not provided any information indicating that Ms. Guergis was acting in her capacity as a Minister of State. Therefore I cannot pursue your request under the Act at this time, but you may, of course, send me any additional information in this regard.

Please do not hesitate to contact Eppo Maertens, Manager, Reports and Investigations at (613) 943-3763 or myself at (613) 995-0721 should you require further information.

Mary Dawson
Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner